The case files

Eight studies.
Four decades.
Nobody's marketing department.

Every one of these is a peer-reviewed study of what actually happened when real demand planners changed a real forecast. Household products. Pharmaceuticals. Publishing. A UK supermarket. This is where Piwaka's design came from — and where it didn't.

These are not our case studies. They are not our customers, and we didn't run them. They are academic papers, published in the International Journal of Forecasting, the European Journal of Operational Research and the Journal of Forecasting, by researchers with no product to sell. We've laid them out like case studies because that's what they are. Where a study is open access, the full PDF is linked under each case below. Where it is paywalled, we link the source, and you are welcome to email paul@piwaka.live to talk it through.
Case 01 · The one that decided how we built it

There are two ways to combine a planner and a model. The one everybody uses is the worse one.

An international publishing company. Real weekly forecasts, regular and exceptional products — and something almost nobody in this literature does: they measured the profit, not just the error.
2architectures, head to head
Allscenarios improved by one of them
Profitnot just accuracy

The two ways

Restrictive. The planner's number is imposed on top of the model's number. The model gets overruled. This is what your planning system does today. It's what your spreadsheet does. It's what every override button in the industry does.

Integrative. The planner's judgment goes into the model as an input — one more thing the model knows about the future — and the model works out how much weight it has earned.

What they found

The integrative approach had a positive effect on accuracy in all scenarios, and delivered higher profitability. The restrictive approach — the one everybody actually uses — damaged accuracy on the steadier product lines.

And the sentence that decided our product

"The integrative approach can debias judgmental forecasting without negatively affecting feelings of ownership from the forecaster, while improving forecasting accuracy."

Every other route to a better forecast asks the planner to give something up: accept a correction, justify yourself, be overruled by a model that doesn't know what you know. This one doesn't. Your judgment isn't overruled. It's taken seriously enough to become part of the model.

So Piwaka never overwrites your number and quietly shrinks it back. Your change goes in as what it actually is — something you know about the future that the model doesn't — and over time the system learns how much weight that kind of call, on that kind of product, has earned.

What we're not going to pretend

One company. Publishing. Weekly forecasts. The authors ask for replication themselves, and note that in the cases where a hard override happened to be right, integrating it clipped some of that upside. It is the best evidence in the field for how to build this. It is not the last word.

So what
The authors close by naming the obvious next step: weight each planner's judgment by their own track record. Then they say, plainly, that they couldn't — because no record existed of who made which adjustment, or how it turned out.

That record is the thing Piwaka makes. It's the reason we started.
Paywalled Baecke, P., De Baets, S. & Vanderheyden, K. (2017). Investigating the added value of integrating human judgement into statistical demand forecasting systems. International Journal of Production Economics 191, 85–96. doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpe.2017.05.016 · Paywalled. Email paul@piwaka.live to talk it through.
Case 02 · The biggest study there is

Everyone assumed that changing the forecast helps. They were right — half the time.

Six companies, pooled and re-analysed in one common framework by the researchers who have studied this longer than anyone. The closest thing the field has to a verdict.Open access
~147,000forecasts analysed
6separate studies pooled
2025published

The situation

Every demand planner in the world does the same thing: a system produces a forecast, and then a human changes it. Everybody assumes the human is adding something. For sixteen years the evidence was patchy and contradictory — one company here, one industry there. So Fildes, Goodwin and De Baets collected every publicly available dataset they could find, put ~147,000 forecasts through a single common analysis, and asked the question straight.

What they found

The assumption was right — for just over half of products. And wrong for the rest. Adjustments improved accuracy and bias about half the time. The other half quietly destroyed value.

Which means the planners were not wasting their time. They were adding real value on one change and losing it on the next — and the two went into the system looking exactly the same. A number, typed over another number. No reason. No author. No confidence.

That's the whole problem in one line: nobody can tell which half is which. Not the planner, not their manager, not the platform, and not the vendor selling them the forecast.

The part the industry doesn't print

The researchers then modelled what actually drives a planner to adjust. It was not, mostly, the new information they'd learned. It was the cues on their screen:

Planners were "distracted by non- or less diagnostic cues that are typically displayed in forecasting support systems" — chiefly the previous forecast error, and their own previous adjustment.

Read that again. The software is teaching the habit. The tools built to help planners adjust are showing them the things that make their adjustments worse.

So what
If half your changes are destroying value and you can't tell which half, you don't have a forecasting problem. You have a record-keeping problem. The information needed to separate the good changes from the bad ones — who, why, on what evidence, how confident — is generated every single time and then thrown away.
Open access Fildes, R., Goodwin, P. & De Baets, S. (2025). Forecast value added in demand planning. International Journal of Forecasting 41, 649–669. Open access, CC BY. doi.org/10.1016/j.ijforecast.2024.07.006 · Read the full paper (PDF)
Case 03 · The direction rule

Every forecast gets pushed up. Almost nobody should be pushing.

The same 147,000 forecasts, split by which way the planner moved the number. This is the most robust finding in the entire field — it has now replicated across manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, and retail.
69.1%right direction, moving down
59.9%right direction, moving up
4industries, same result

What they found

"Downward adjustments consistently improved accuracy and bias, sometimes substantially. In contrast, upward adjustments had a mixed record and often appreciably damaged accuracy — primarily because they were excessive."

Planners picked the right direction 69.1% of the time when cutting a forecast. Going up, they were right 59.9% of the time — barely better than a coin toss, in the direction everyone leans. The authors' explanation is blunt: "optimism bias or motivations to inflate forecasts were widespread."

Why this happens, and it isn't the planner's fault

Think about who pushes a number down. It's the planner, quietly, because they can see the promotion has ended and the spike is over. Nobody is in the room. Nobody is watching.

Now think about who pushes a number up. It's the deal that's going to land. It's the target. It's the exec who wants the quarter to look a certain way. The pressure to raise a forecast almost always comes from someone who doesn't carry the inventory. The optimism isn't a personal failing. It's structural — and it's been measured, in four industries, for forty years.

So what
Treat the two directions as different animals, because the evidence says they are. A cut should be effortless — it's usually right, and it's usually made by someone with nothing to gain. A raise should be asked, gently and once, what it's based on. That's not distrust. That's the arithmetic.
Links to sources Fildes, Goodwin & De Baets (2025), IJF 41:649–669 · Fildes, Goodwin, Lawrence & Nikolopoulos (2009), IJF 25(1):3–23 · Franses & Legerstee (2009), IJF 25(1):35–47 · Trapero, Pedregal, Fildes & Kourentzes (2013), IJF 29(2):234–243. · Key papers paywalled. Email paul@piwaka.live to talk it through.
Case 04 · The promotions study

In promotion weeks, planners could help — but a model that simply knew about past promotions did better.

A manufacturing company, analysed specifically around promotional periods: what the statistical system forecast, what the planners changed it to, and what actually sold.
169SKUs
25,012weekly observations
18,096usable forecasts

The situation

A univariate statistical system produced a baseline forecast. Planners then adjusted it with what they knew — most importantly, promotions the time-series model could not see. Promotional weeks are the hardest, highest-stakes case, so the researchers zoomed in on them.

What they found

In the authors' own words, judgmental adjustments "can enhance baseline forecasts during promotions, but not systematically." And a promotion-aware statistical model beat them: "Transfer function models based on past promotions information achieved lower overall forecasting errors."

The pattern was calibration, not carelessness. Managers knew a promotion was coming and the system did not, so they raised the number, and the direction was right. But when the adjustments were overly large, accuracy deteriorated — the value came from modest corrections, not the big swings.

The bit worth keeping

The researchers then built a hybrid — the promotion-aware model and the planners' judgment together — and found that "human experts still added value to the transfer function models." Neither alone was best. The combination was.

That is the integrative result again, from a different dataset: judgment is worth keeping, but it belongs combined with a model that can see what the planner cannot, rather than layered on top of one that is blind.

So what
Two things move a promotional forecast: give the model the information it is missing, and stop the planner over-reaching on the correction. The first is engineering. The second is calibration — and you can only fix calibration with a record of how hard each person tends to push.
Author copy Trapero, J.R., Pedregal, D.J., Fildes, R. & Kourentzes, N. (2013). Analysis of judgmental adjustments in the presence of promotions. International Journal of Forecasting 29(2), 234–243. Full text: kourentzes.com · Read the full paper (PDF)
Case 05 · The pharmaceutical company, 37 countries

Your last adjustment predicts your next one three times better than the model's actual error does.

A pharmaceutical manufacturer. Experts in 37 countries, forecasting seven product categories, each one adjusting a model's output month after month.
37countries
7product categories
the weight of the model's error

What they found

Expert adjustment is largely predictable — and what predicts it is the expert's own previous adjustment, carrying roughly three times the weight of anything the model actually got wrong last time.

Read that slowly

Planners are not responding to the forecast's errors. They are repeating themselves. The adjustment is anchored on the last adjustment, not on evidence — and it happens in 37 countries at once, which rules out any explanation involving one bad team or one bad manager.

Case 02 found exactly the same thing from a completely different direction: when researchers modelled what drives an adjustment across 147,000 forecasts, the planner's own previous adjustment came out as one of the strongest — and least diagnostic — drivers. Two independent methods, two continents, same answer: adjustment is a habit.

So what
You cannot break a habit you never record. The number gets changed; the reasoning behind it — why that amount, what else you weighed, whether it worked — is what goes unrecorded. The ledger isn't paperwork. It's the only thing that can interrupt the loop.
Paywalled Franses, P.H. & Legerstee, R. (2009). Properties of expert adjustments on model-based SKU-level forecasts. International Journal of Forecasting 25(1), 35–47. Abstract · Paywalled. Email paul@piwaka.live to talk it through.
Case 06 · The one that worked

21 planners were shown their own track record. Their accuracy improved substantially.

The same pharmaceutical company. 21 experts, one per country, forecasting monthly. Twelve months of baseline, then an intervention, then three months of watching.
21planners, 21 countries
12months measured first
3months after

The intervention

For a year, the researchers simply watched: every expert's forecast, every statistical forecast, every actual. Then in September 2007 the experts were brought to headquarters, shown feedback on their own adjusting behaviour, and trained on how the statistical program actually worked — its ins and outs, what it could see and what it couldn't.

Then everyone went home and the researchers kept watching.

What happened to their behaviour — clear and solid

After the feedback, adjustments got significantly smaller. Upward adjustments fell (57.1% → 53.6%) while downward ones rose. The share of forecasts left completely untouched went up fivefold. Planners stopped over-reaching — and that effect is statistically robust.

What happened to accuracy — and here we owe you the small print

The published abstract says accuracy "improved substantially." We went and read the full working paper. The underlying numbers are weaker than that sentence suggests, and you should know it:

  • The headline accuracy gain carries a one-sided p-value of 0.066 — suggestive, not conventionally significant.
  • On the relative measure, experts went from 1.8% worse-than-model to 0.2% worse-than-model — and the authors state plainly that this improvement is not significant (p = 0.289).
  • The share of adjustments that damaged accuracy fell only from 50.2% to 48.3% (p = 0.069).
  • Even after the training, around 25% of forecasts still carried large or extremely large adjustments — and they still skewed upward.
The honest reading: feedback reliably changes how planners behave. Whether that converts into a large accuracy gain is suggestive, not proven. We'll hold our own product to the same standard.

What we're not going to pretend

Before-and-after field study, no control group. The planners got feedback and training and a trip to head office with senior management visibly watching — you cannot cleanly separate those. Three-month follow-up. Twenty-one people.

What is solid is the mechanism, and it's corroborated from a completely different direction: Case 02 found that mathematically damping planners' upward adjustments beat both the planner's number and the untouched model — and that damping the downward ones made them worse, exactly as the direction rule predicts.

So what
Two things moved those planners: seeing what happened to their own past changes, and understanding what the model could already see. Both were delivered exactly once, by flying twenty-one people to head office — and the effect on behaviour was real. Both can be delivered continuously, at the moment of the change, by software. Almost nobody has built that into the everyday work. We're not going to promise you it will be substantial. We're going to measure it on your data and tell you what we find.
Paywalled · free working paper Legerstee, R. & Franses, P.H. (2014). Do experts' SKU forecasts improve after feedback? Journal of Forecasting 33(1), 69–79. doi.org/10.1002/for.2274 · Read the working paper (PDF)
Case 07 · The UK retailer

They gave planners a better model. The planners over-adjusted against it and made the forecast worse.

A major UK retailer's demand planning operation, studied in the field — then rebuilt as a controlled laboratory experiment to find out what forecasters actually do with the information they're given.Open access
1major UK retailer
2methods: field + lab
2023published

What they found

Forecasters could spot genuinely useful information. But they also "misuse non-predictive positive reasons" — they act on encouraging-sounding context that has no predictive value at all. And when a better promotional forecasting model was put in front of them, "people tend to misinterpret the provided information and over-adjust, harming accuracy."

Why this one matters more than it looks

This is the study that should worry every forecasting vendor, including the one that owns us.

Giving a company a better forecasting engine does not automatically give them a better forecast. The number that leaves the building is the one the human touched last. If a smarter model just gives the planner more to over-react to, the improvement evaporates on its way to the system of record — and everybody involved keeps quoting the model's accuracy score as though it were the outcome.

RabbitHawk builds forecasting engines. So we have every commercial reason not to tell you this, and we're telling you anyway: an engine on its own is not enough.

So what
Model accuracy is not the deliverable. The final number is the deliverable, and there is a human between the two. Whatever governs that last step is where the value actually lives — or leaks.
Open access Sroginis, A., Fildes, R. & Kourentzes, N. (2023). Use of contextual and model-based information in adjusting promotional forecasts. European Journal of Operational Research 307(3), 1177–1191. Open access. sciencedirect.com · Read the full paper (PDF)
Case 08 · Four decades, reviewed

137 papers. Forty years. And one reason planners adjust that nobody talks about.

The first systematic review of human judgment in supply chain forecasting — the field mapped, clustered and audited end to end.
137journal articles
4decades covered
6research streams identified

The finding that reframes everything above

Buried in the review's opening is the reason planners have to adjust that has nothing to do with politics, optimism, or ego:

Forecasting tools assume sales equal demand. They don't. When you stock out, your sales data records the demand you served, not the demand that existed — so the forecaster must manually correct for the customers who couldn't buy.

The data itself is wrong, systematically, and a human has to fix it by hand. That is not a bias to be trained away. It's a permanent, structural reason why adjustment can never be eliminated — and why "just stop adjusting" was never a serious answer.

The review also catalogues the rest of the honest reasons: promotions, advertising, price changes, holidays, regulatory change, insufficient inventory, government policy, competitor activity. Real things. None of them in your sales history. All of them arriving as an email.

So what
This is why we don't build a system that stops you changing the forecast. Adjustment is not a defect in the process — it is the process. It just happens to be the only part of it that nobody has ever written down.
Paywalled Perera, H.N., Hurley, J., Fahimnia, B. & Reisi, M. (2019). The human factor in supply chain forecasting: a systematic review. European Journal of Operational Research 274(2), 574–600. doi.org/10.1016/j.ejor.2018.10.028 · Paywalled. Email paul@piwaka.live to talk it through.
Case 09 · The baseline they were adjusting

More than half the forecasts companies produce are worse than doing nothing. And they all had forecasting software.

A study across eight consumer-goods businesses and around 17,500 products, every one of them using a statistical forecasting package.Open
8businesses
~17,500products
52%worse than naive

What they found

In the author's words, "52% of the forecasts in our overall sample had RAEs above 1.0" — that is, more than half were worse than a naive, same-as-last-period forecast. And every contributor used a statistical forecasting package.

This is the sobering backdrop to everything above. The number a planner starts from is, more often than not, already worse than doing nothing. Then a human changes it. The forecast that reaches the business is a shaky baseline and an unrecorded adjustment, stacked on top of each other.

So what
Better software on the baseline is not enough on its own (Case 07 showed that too), and better judgment is not enough on its own. The one place a bad baseline and a bad change actually meet, where you can see both and learn from both, is the moment the number is changed. That is the layer nobody was keeping a record of.
Open Morlidge, S. How Good Is a "Good" Forecast? Forecast Errors and Their Avoidability. Foresight: The International Journal of Applied Forecasting. forecasters.org · Read the full paper (PDF)

What we did with it

Eight studies. Not one of them commissioned by a software company. Together they say something the forecasting industry has known for forty years and never built for:

  1. Everyone changes the forecast. Around 82% of forecasts get a human change before anyone acts on them. It is not the exception — it's the job, and there are structural reasons it always will be.
  2. About half of those changes destroy value, and nobody can tell which half, because the reasoning behind each one — and what happened to it after — was never kept.
  3. The direction rule is robust. Down is usually right. Up is usually excessive.
  4. The tools are part of the problem — planners are anchored on their own last adjustment, a cue their own software puts in front of them.
  5. Feedback and damping both work, and both have been demonstrated in the field.

So Piwaka records every change with its reason, its author, its evidence and its confidence. It lets a cut through without friction and asks a raise, once, what it's based on. It shows you what happened to your last hundred changes. And it scores every one of them against your own actuals, by rules fixed before the change was made.

We didn't find any of this out ourselves. We found it because we kept meeting the same person — a planner, in a real company, changing the forecast again, in a spreadsheet, for the fourth time this month, with no way to show anyone why. The research explains what we were already looking at. There just wasn't a product for it.

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